The snap vote for Korea's Presidential election on June 3, 2025, comes against an extraordinary backdrop. In December 2024, President Yoon Suk Yeol’s attempt to declare martial law sparked a political storm. The National Assembly impeached him, and on April 4 the Constitutional Court unanimously upheld that ruling. In the weeks since, South Korea has been effectively leaderless, with a succession of acting presidents and cabinet ministers at the helm. This turmoil, echoing the 2016–2017 crisis that ousted Park Geun-hye, has left many Koreans disillusioned but ultimately reinforced the strength of democracy. Now, all parties are scrambling for their candidate to contest the upset election. The outcome of this election will shape the future governance of South Korea, making each vote crucial.
On the liberal side, the main opposition Democratic Party quickly coalesced around Lee Jae-Myung. Lee, 61, is a former Gyeonggi Province governor who narrowly lost to Yoon in 2022. He won roughly 90% of his party’s primary vote and has dominated opinion polls. An April Gallup survey put him around 34–38% support, well ahead of any rival. Lee’s campaign emphasizes economic fairness and growth: he vows to shrink the gap between rich and poor by boosting investment in technology and talent development. He also stresses a pragmatic foreign policy: as he put it, “the national interest of the Republic of Korea is the top priority,” when working with allies like the United States and Japan. His pitch, a combination of social welfare and business-friendly reforms, has solidified a liberal voter base after last year’s Democratic landslide in Parliament.
However, Lee’s bid is clouded by legal hurdles. He faces several ongoing trials, including bribery charges and a billion-dollar land deal; the most immediate threat is an election law case from 2022. On May 1, the Supreme Court stunned the country by overturning a previous acquittal and sending Lee’s case back to a lower court. The justices found that Lee had made “false statements… important enough to ruin voters’ judgment” during the last campaign. If he is convicted now, election law would bar him from office for up to five years. Lee insists he did nothing wrong and pledges to “follow the will of the people.” However, analysts see the court ruling as a significant blow. Myongji University scholar Shin Yul warns that “moderate voters…will be swayed by this news,” indeed, Lee’s campaign has been forced onto the defensive. Democrats responded angrily, accusing the court of timing its decision to “interfere” in the election and even labeling it a “judicial coup.” At least for now, Lee remains the nominee, and many observers note it will be nearly impossible for his case to conclude before voting day, allowing him to stay on the ballot.
On the right, the governing People Power Party (PPP) finally settled on a nominee after a tumultuous race. Ahn Cheol-soo and other prominent conservatives briefly entered the fray, but by early May the party chose Kim Moon-soo, 73, a former labor minister and once a student activist. Kim ran on a hardline platform. His victory speech promised a tougher stance toward North Korea and incentives for industry and innovation. He even invoked his humble roots: “I have never abandoned the weakest among us in the lowest of places,” he declared. Like Yoon, Kim insists the party must prove it is “starting over” to regain trust after the martial-law debacle. But polls show Kim trailing Lee by double digits, reflecting the PPP’s general unpopularity at the moment. Some analysts caution that Kim’s hard-right image may limit him in a general election. Indiana University scholar Andrew Yeo notes that against Lee, “a more moderate candidate that can capture the large swath of undecided voters may have a better shot” of defeating him. In other words, the conservatives face a dilemma: rally their base or reach out to the center.
Independents have further complicated the field. The most notable is Han Duck-soo, a 75-year-old former prime minister who served as acting president briefly. Han resigned on May 1 and announced his independent bid the next day. He spoke to reporters and vowed to focus on economic issues. Overall, his stated objectives are to swiftly conclude trade talks with the United States and heal partisan rifts by proposing reforms to Korea’s constitution. His entry is seen as an attempt to unify divided conservatives, but it drew quick fire from rivals. A Democratic Party lawmaker charged that Han had abused his official position to gain an electoral edge while acting president. Still, Han is banking on his reputation as a steady technocrat and on voter fatigue with the infighting.
For context, other smaller candidates are on the roster. In the PPP primary, Ahn Cheol-soo championed himself as “the only candidate” who could thwart Lee. Still, he bowed out before the final round. The left’s Progressive Party nominated Kim Jae-yeon as its candidate. A joint coalition of Justice, labor, and green activists is preparing an open primary under a “social transformation” banner. Former Acting President Hwang Kyo-ahn and pastor Jeon Kwang-hoon have filed to run as independents on the fringe. While these minor figures do not register much support in the polls, their presence underscores how fractured the electorate is and could potentially influence the election outcome by splitting the vote.
Through it all looms the legacy of Yoon’s impeachment. By the winter, Yoon’s approval ratings had collapsed into the low teens, and the public broadly backed Parliament’s move to oust him. The months of drama have left Koreans skeptical: a March survey found worryingly high numbers saying they might prefer “authoritarian” rule over democracy in some circumstances, with many citing the perceived inefficiency and corruption in the current democratic system. This is evidence of a crisis of confidence. At the same time, Korean institutions have endured a real stress test. Both the legislature and courts ultimately did their jobs, impeaching Yoon and agreeing to a snap election. Observers have praised the orderly transition as proof of democratic resilience. Yet the bitter partisan battles, from Park Geun-hye’s fall in 2017 to Yoon’s removal, also reveal deep “us vs. them” polarization.
Now, the voters will decide. A win for Lee’s liberals would return a party with a strong parliamentary base to the presidency and likely mean a continuation of social welfare and détente policies. A Kim victory would signal a return to conservative rule, perhaps with a hawkish North Korea stance like Yoon’s. A Han wins as independent, representing a third way, banking on bureaucratic competence. For South Koreans who are still uneasy about recent events, the central question is simple: which leader can finally restore stability and reflect the people’s will? June 3 will answer whether the next president can heal the divisions exposed by this turbulent era.
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