The story of the Dawoodi Bohras spans over a millennium, a tale woven into the fabric of Islamic history and the diverse cultural tapestry of India. To understand their present circumstances and the challenges they face today, especially about the political climate under Narendra Modi, it is essential to delve deeply into their origins, evolution, and the socio-political transformations they have witnessed through the centuries.
The Dawoodi Bohras belong to the Ismaili branch of Shia Islam, specifically the Tayyibi sub-sect, which emerged from historical developments within the Fatimid Caliphate, which ruled parts of North Africa and the Middle East from the 10th to the 12th centuries. The Fatimids established a powerful Shia Islamic state with a strong emphasis on the authority of the Imam, who was seen as the divinely appointed spiritual leader. To justify their claim to be Imams, the Fatimid Caliphs claimed descent from the Prophet Muhammad's daughter, Fatimah, and her husband, Ali. Hence, the name Fatimid is derived from Fatimah. Eventually, the Fatimid dynasty would come to an end, but not without spreading their distinct version of Shia Islam. In the 11th and 12th centuries, Tayyibi missionaries, known as "du'aat," began spreading their teachings to the Indian subcontinent. They established their presence in regions like Gujarat, where they found a receptive audience among local traders. Today, Gujarat has a thriving Islamic community identifying as Ismaili Shia. Later, this group would become known as Dawoodi Bohras.
The word Bohra itself derives from the Gujarati word "vohrvu," which means "to trade." This etymology suggests the community’s early and profound involvement in commerce. The title was attached to the group due to the trade between India and the Fatimids. These early merchants from the Fatimids were initially where granted a settlement in Cambay. This bustling port city allowed them to thrive in trade and establish a strong communal network. Over time, they expanded their presence to other Gujarati cities, including Ahmedabad, Surat, and Mumbai. In each locale, they maintained their religious identity and developed a communal infrastructure that included mosques, schools, and community centers. Eventually, the newly converted Bohras gained a reputation as enterprising merchants, facilitating trade across the Indian Ocean and connecting India to East Africa, the Middle East, and beyond in their own right.
This rich blend of religion, commerce, and culture formed the core of the Bohra identity. Their language, Lisan al-Dawat, evolved as a blend of Gujarati with influences from Arabic, Persian, and Urdu, serving as a marker of their religious and cultural heritage. The Bohras developed distinctive customs, including the Libas al-Anwar, their traditional dress, and a liturgical calendar filled with communal prayers, fasts, and festivals that reinforced social bonds. However, what truly set them apart was their unwavering commitment to education and philanthropy, which became central pillars of the community. Their leaders promoted literacy, healthcare, and social welfare, establishing a reputation for progressive values grounded in faith.
Throughout the centuries, the Dawoodi Bohras have encountered periods of both prosperity and persecution. Their minority status in India, particularly during the Mughal era and later under British colonial rule, often meant facing hostility from various quarters. Internal schisms also emerged within the broader Bohra community, creating subsects such as the Dawoodi, Sulaymani, and Alavi Bohras. However, the Dawoodi Bohras, the largest and most influential group, have maintained their cohesion through their commitment to communal solidarity despite the challenges they have faced.
The transition into modern India brought new opportunities but also new challenges for the Bohras as India moved toward independence and then struggled to define its secular and democratic identity; the Bohras, like many Muslim communities, found themselves negotiating their place within a pluralistic society, often marked by religious tensions. Their focus on education, business, and community development enabled them to flourish economically and socially; however, their distinct religious identity sometimes made them targets of communal conflicts.
One of the most defining moments in recent history for the Bohras and other Muslim communities in Gujarat was the horrific violence of 2002. The Gujarat riots, triggered by the burning of a train in Godhra that killed 58 Hindu pilgrims, unleashed waves of retaliatory violence against Muslims across the state. Over several weeks, hundreds of Muslims were killed, thousands were displaced, and entire neighborhoods were destroyed. The violence revealed deep communal fissures and longstanding grievances, but it also exposed the failures and controversies within the state’s political leadership.
At the center of this storm was Narendra Modi, the Chief Minister of Gujarat at the time. Modi’s handling of the riots became one of the most contentious political issues in modern India. Numerous reports and eyewitness accounts accused his administration of disregarding the violence or even tacitly encouraging Hindu mobs. Sanjiv Bhatt, a senior police officer, made explosive claims that Modi had instructed officials to allow Hindus to "vent their anger," although Modi and his supporters vehemently denied such allegations. The Supreme Court later appointed a Special Investigation Team to look into Modi’s role. This team ultimately cleared him of wrongdoing, a conclusion that remains highly disputed both within India and internationally. For many Muslims, including the Bohras, the verdict felt like a denial of justice, a painful reminder of their vulnerability in the face of state power and majoritarian politics.
The Dawoodi Bohras, often perceived as a relatively insular and prosperous community, were profoundly affected by the riots. Their homes, businesses, and places of worship did not escape the wave of violence and intimidation. The communal trauma was palpable, shaking the foundations of their security and trust in the state apparatus. Yet, the Bohras responded with remarkable resilience. Instead of retreating into isolation or succumbing to despair, they mobilized to rebuild their damaged infrastructure, support survivors, and foster dialogue between communities. Their leadership, under Syedna Mufaddal Saifuddin, assumed a dual role not only as spiritual guides but also as community organizers working to heal the wounds left by the violence.
In the years following the riots, India witnessed a shift in its political landscape. Narendra Modi rose from the Chief Ministership of Gujarat to become the Prime Minister of India in 2014. His tenure at the national level brought policies and rhetoric that many minorities, including the Bohras, viewed with concern. The rise of Hindu nationalism under Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party government introduced new anxieties, particularly with the enactment of laws such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, the stripping of Jammu and Kashmir’s special constitutional status, and the debates around the National Register of Citizens. These policies were widely criticized for their perceived exclusionary and majoritarian leanings, exacerbating fears of marginalization among Muslim communities.
The Bohras found themselves in a complex position. Traditionally discreet and focused on internal community affairs, they now faced a more intolerant and polarized political environment. While the Bohras did not engage overtly in political protest, their leaders voiced concerns about the erosion of secular values and minority rights in India. They sought to navigate this new landscape with a combination of quiet advocacy, legal engagement, and interfaith outreach, aiming to protect their community’s interests without provoking further divisions.
Their story in contemporary India reflects the broader challenges faced by many minority groups caught between history and modernity, faith and politics. The Dawoodi Bohras embody a rich cultural and religious heritage, a history of trade and learning, and a tradition of resilience in the face of adversity. Yet, their experience also underscores the fragility of minority existence in a society where identity politics and religious nationalism have intensified. The 2002 Gujarat riots remain a defining scar in their collective memory, a moment that revealed the limits of India’s pluralism and the dangers of political opportunism.
Ultimately, the history of the Bohras is a story about survival, adaptation, and the pursuit of justice in a world that often challenges those values. Their long journey from the Fatimid courts to the bustling ports of Gujarat, and from peaceful mercantile life to navigating the turbulent politics of contemporary India, is marked by steadfastness and hope. As they move forward, the Bohras continue to balance tradition and change, seeking to maintain their identity while engaging with the complex realities of the modern Indian state, especially under the shadow of Narendra Modi’s leadership and the continuing contestations over communal coexistence and minority rights.
Add comment
Comments