As an intern for CCSD, an organization dedicated to bringing peace and democracy to Northeastern Syria, I had the opportunity to engage with individuals directly affected by the conflict. Listening to the stories of those displaced, marginalized, or caught between competing authorities deepened my understanding of the complex historical grievances shaping the region today. The project’s legacy is not merely a chapter of the past. It continues to shape Syria’s present and future, affecting governance, reconciliation efforts, and the prospects for lasting peace.
The conclusion of Syria’s devastating civil war has brought renewed attention to long-standing ethnic and territorial disputes, particularly in the northeast, where the legacy of the Arab Belt project continues to cast a long shadow over efforts at reconciliation and stabilization. Initially implemented in the 1970s under Hafez al-Assad’s Ba'athist government, the Arab Belt project was a policy of demographic engineering that aimed to secure Syria’s borders with Turkey by resettling Arab populations in traditionally Kurdish areas. While the civil war may have officially ended, the deep-seated grievances and structural inequalities created by this policy remain a formidable challenge to Syria’s peace process.
The Origins and Development of the Arab Belt Project
The origins of the Arab Belt project can be traced back to the broader policies of Arab nationalism pursued by the Ba'ath Party, which came to power in Syria in 1963. The Ba'ath Party, inspired by pan-Arabist ideology, sought to consolidate its control over Syria’s diverse ethnic and religious groups by enforcing policies that prioritized Arab identity over others. The Kurdish population, concentrated primarily in the northeast along the borders with Turkey and Iraq, was viewed as a potential fifth column, susceptible to influence from Kurdish nationalist movements in neighboring countries.
The specific catalyst for the Arab Belt project, however, was the 1962 census of Hasakah province. In an unprecedented move, the Syrian government stripped approximately 120,000 Kurds of their citizenship overnight, classifying them as either "ajanib" (foreigners) or "maktoumeen" (concealed, meaning they were not even recognized as foreign residents). This policy aimed to weaken Kurdish political cohesion by rendering thousands stateless, depriving them of fundamental rights such as land ownership, employment in the public sector, and access to education.
By the early 1970s, these exclusionary policies escalated into the Arab Belt project. The construction of the Tabqa Dam on the Euphrates River led to the displacement of thousands of Arab families, primarily from Raqqa province, who were then relocated into Kurdish-majority areas of Hasakah province, forming a "belt" of Arab settlements along a strip approximately 10 to 15 kilometers wide along the Turkish border. This demographic reconfiguration sought to prevent Kurdish autonomy by severing ties between Syrian Kurds and their kin in Turkey and Iraq.
Impact on Kurdish Communities
The Arab Belt project, with its systematic confiscation of Kurdish land and redistribution to Arab settlers, stands as a stark testament to the injustice faced by the Kurdish population. Many Kurdish villages were either erased from official maps or renamed with Arabic designations, and the teaching of the Kurdish language was prohibited in schools. Kurdish political movements were heavily repressed, with leaders frequently imprisoned or exiled. This deliberate marginalization of the Kurdish community under the Arab Belt project should invoke a strong sense of empathy in our audience.
The effects of the Arab Belt were not limited to demographic shifts but fostered economic inequalities. Arab settlers, known as 'muhajireen' (migrants), were often given preferential treatment by the government, receiving state subsidies, irrigation infrastructure, and official land deeds. At the same time, Kurds, many of whom had lived on these lands for generations, were denied legal ownership. These policies created long-term resentment, sowing the seeds for future conflict. The economic disparities created by the project continue to be a source of tension in the region.
The Arab Belt’s Role in the Syrian Civil War
When the Syrian uprising began in 2011, the northeast became a contested region. The Assad regime, seeking to placate the Kurdish population and prevent them from fully joining the opposition, restored citizenship to thousands of stateless Kurds in 2011. However, this move did little to address the underlying grievances stemming from decades of discrimination and land dispossession.
As the war progressed, Kurdish forces, particularly the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and later the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), took control of much of the region. In doing so, they sought to reverse some of the effects of the Arab Belt project by reclaiming land and promoting Kurdish cultural and political rights. The SDF established the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), a self-governing Kurdish-led authority emphasizing ethnic pluralism and decentralized governance. Later on this government would become known as The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria.
However, this shift also led to new conflicts. Some Arab communities, especially those who had benefited from Ba'athist land policies, resisted Kurdish governance, fearing marginalization. Meanwhile, Turkey, long opposed to any form of Kurdish self-rule near its borders, launched military operations into northern Syria, further complicating efforts at reconciliation.
Governance of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria
The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES), also known as Rojava to some Kurds, operates under a decentralized system based on democratic confederalism. Governance is structured through a network of councils at the commune, district, and regional levels, allowing for grassroots participation and local self-rule. Decision-making is collective, with a strong emphasis on gender equality and ethnic inclusivity.
Political authority is shared among different communities, including Kurds, Arabs, Syriacs, and other minority groups, ensuring a pluralistic and representative administration. The legal and political framework is guided by the Social Contract of North and East Syria, which outlines principles of direct democracy, secular governance, and cooperative economic policies.
Arab-Kurdish Relations and Power-Sharing
DAANES actively promotes coexistence and cooperation between Kurds and Arabs through inclusive governance structures. The administration enforces ethnic and gender co-leadership in key political institutions, ensuring shared authority. Local councils and civil assemblies include representatives from both Kurdish and Arab communities, fostering dialogue and joint decision-making.
In the military sphere, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which includes both Kurdish and Arab fighters, exemplifies collaborative security efforts. The administration also implements policies that respect local customs while integrating democratic principles, such as community-driven justice systems and multilingual education. Despite these efforts, challenges remain, particularly in Arab-majority areas where historical grievances and external influences can create tensions over governance legitimacy.
DAANES and the New Government in Damascus
Following the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad, the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) has been navigating a complex relationship with the newly formed government in Damascus. With Syria undergoing a political transition, DAANES seeks to secure its autonomous governance model while negotiating its status within a restructured Syrian state.
The new government in Damascus has shown a mixed approach toward DAANES. While there have been discussions on decentralization and potential political recognition, tensions persist over issues such as resource control, security arrangements, and the extent of DAANES’s autonomy. The administration continues to advocate for a federal or decentralized political system that guarantees Kurdish and minority rights, whereas Damascus, despite being more open to reforms than under Assad, remains cautious about granting full self-rule.
Negotiations and Challenges
Dialogue between DAANES and Damascus has focused on key issues such as governance frameworks, military integration, and economic policies. One major point of contention is control over oil-rich areas in the northeast, with DAANES emphasizing local management and revenue-sharing agreements. Additionally, the status of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) remains uncertain, as Damascus seeks to incorporate it into the national army while DAANES insists on maintaining operational autonomy.
Despite these negotiations, challenges remain. Arab-majority regions under DAANES’s administration are wary of central government influence, and external actors, such as Turkey and international coalitions, continue to shape dynamics in the region. While there is cautious optimism for a political resolution, the future of DAANES’s autonomy will largely depend on how much decentralization the new government in Damascus is willing to accept.
Current Challenges in the Peace Process
Now that the civil war has officially ended, Syria faces the daunting task of post-war reconstruction and reconciliation. The Arab Belt’s legacy presents several obstacles to a sustainable peace, particularly in the following areas:
- Land Ownership and Property Disputes: One of the most pressing issues is the legal status of lands transferred during the Arab Belt project. While Kurdish families argue for restitution of their ancestral lands, Arab settlers who have lived there for decades fear displacement. Resolving these disputes requires a fair and transparent legal framework that acknowledges past injustices while ensuring stability for all residents.
- Political Representation and Governance: The question of how northeast Syria will be governed remains a significant point of contention. The previous Assad regime sought to reassert central authority, while Kurdish leaders advocate for decentralized governance. Although Assad has since been overthrown Northeastern Syria remains under control of The Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES) and not the new government in Damascus. Furthermore, Arab communities in the region, many of whom remain wary of Kurdish rule, must also be integrated into any political settlement to prevent renewed tensions.
- Security and Regional Dynamics: The situation is further complicated by Turkey’s ongoing military presence in northern Syria, where it continues to target Kurdish forces. Ankara views the SDF as an extension of the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party), a group it considers a terrorist organization. This external pressure limits the ability of Kurdish authorities to integrate Arab communities and implement long-term development programs fully.
- Cultural and Linguistic Rights: While the Kurdish-led administration has promoted the Kurdish language and culture, Arab communities have at times expressed concerns about potential reverse discrimination. Ensuring that all ethnic groups in northeast Syria have equal cultural and educational opportunities is essential for long-term peace.
Potential Pathways to Reconciliation
To move toward a sustainable peace, several steps must be taken:
- Legal Mechanisms for Land Restitution: Establishing a commission to address historical land injustices and compensate displaced families, both Kurdish and Arab, could help prevent further conflict.
- Inclusive Political Processes: Any political settlement must incorporate Kurdish, Arab, and other ethnic groups in decision-making, ensuring equal representation in regional governance.
- International Mediation: Given the complex regional dynamics, involving neutral third-party mediators (such as the UN or international NGOs) in negotiations could help bridge divides and establish confidence-building measures.
- Economic and Social Development: Investing in infrastructure, education, and economic opportunities for all communities in northeast Syria can help mitigate ethnic tensions by addressing the root causes of marginalization.
Conclusion
The Arab Belt project remains one of modern Syrian history's most consequential and controversial policies. Though the civil war has ended, the wounds left by decades of demographic engineering and political exclusion continue to shape the country’s post-war landscape. Addressing these historical injustices is essential for fostering genuine reconciliation and ensuring that Syria’s future is built on justice, equality, and coexistence principles. Failure to do so will prematurely cycle conflict and instability, undermining the very peace that Syrians have fought so hard to achieve.
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