In the aftermath of World War II, when Korea was liberated from Japan’s brutal colonial rule, a large number of Koreans remained in Japan, many of them forcibly brought over as laborers. As the Korean Peninsula divided into two ideologically opposed states, these residents were caught in the web of Cold War politics. Some aligned with the Republic of Korea in the South, while others, inspired by communist ideals and promises of a new socialist paradise, chose to support the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in the North. Chongryon, or the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan, emerged from this ideological divide. It was founded in 1955 as the leading organization representing pro-North Korean residents in Japan.
From its inception, Chongryon operated as a cultural or community support group and a loyal arm of the North Korean regime abroad. Without formal diplomatic relations between Tokyo and Pyongyang, Chongryon effectively became North Korea’s de facto embassy in Japan, handling travel, political communication, and the welfare of North Korean sympathizers living on Japanese soil. Its Tokyo headquarters, once an imposing building near the city's heart, served as a hub of political and ideological activity, functioning simultaneously as a sanctuary for the Zainichi Korean community and a potent extension of Pyongyang’s soft power.
The organization poured its energy into education and cultural preservation, setting up a network of kindergartens, primary schools, secondary schools, and even a university. These schools were subsidized by both Chongryon and the North Korean government. They provided students with a curriculum steeped in North Korean history, ideology, and reverence for the Kim family dynasty. Textbooks glorified Kim Il-sung and his successors, and portraits of the leaders adorned classrooms. Many students, born and raised in Japan, were taught to consider North Korea their true homeland, even though few had ever seen it. This cultural isolationism, combined with propaganda, nurtured a deep and often unquestioned allegiance to Pyongyang.
However, Chongryon’s influence extended far beyond ideology. It became a powerful economic actor, deeply embedded in the Japanese financial and entertainment industries. Notably, many Chongryon-affiliated individuals or sympathizers became involved in the pachinko industry, a popular form of recreational gambling in Japan. Japan’s sprawling, semi-legal network of pachinko parlors generates billions annually. It is estimated that up to one-third of pachinko parlors may be tied to pro-North Korean operators. Over the decades, a significant portion of the revenue from these businesses was funneled back to North Korea. Some estimates suggest that between the 1970s and 1990s, Chongryon helped remit anywhere from $600 million to nearly $2 billion in hard currency to Pyongyang, providing critical financial lifelines for a regime otherwise isolated by sanctions and economic stagnation.
This financial role was not purely transactional; it was political. The money flowing from Japan helped prop up North Korea’s regime, while Chongryon acted as both fundraiser and loyalist steward. Its banks provided services for Zainichi Koreans who often faced discrimination in Japan’s financial system. Still, these same banks were also accused of helping North Korea launder money and evade sanctions. Japanese authorities eventually cracked down, and in 2007, Chongryon’s central headquarters was seized due to debts and financial mismanagement, an unmistakable symbol of the organization's fading power. Despite these crackdowns, the group still survives in Japan.
Throughout its history, the organization has amassed a history of links to North Korean espionage in Japan as well. Several credible accounts exist about the group's role in the darker side of North Korean espionage. Perhaps the darkest accusations leveled against Chongryon involve its alleged role in the abduction of Japanese citizens by North Korean agents. Between 1977 and 1983, at least 17 Japanese nationals were kidnapped and taken to North Korea, though some estimates suggest the real number is much higher. Pyongyang initially denied involvement, but in a 2002 summit with then-Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, Kim Jong-il admitted to the abductions, claiming that many of the victims were used to train North Korean spies in Japanese language and customs. Japanese authorities have long suspected that Chongryon may have played a supporting role in these operations, providing logistical help, intelligence, or cover for North Korean agents operating on Japanese soil. In 2006, Osaka police raided Chongryon-linked facilities in connection with the suspected abduction of Tadaaki Hara, a Japanese man who disappeared in 1980. Although concrete legal evidence has been scarce, the organization’s tight alignment with North Korea has cast a shadow of suspicion. This issue has significantly tarnished Chongryon's reputation and is a key factor in its declining influence.
In recent years, Chongryon has seen a steep decline. Its membership is aging, and younger generations of Zainichi Koreans are increasingly distancing themselves from the rigid ideological worldview espoused by the organization. Many now identify more strongly with Japan or South Korea, seeking integration and upward mobility rather than nostalgia for a homeland they never knew. Financial pressures and public scrutiny have eroded the organization's reach, and its once-iconic educational institutions, symbolizing the power of North Korean propaganda, now struggle with dwindling enrollment and state funding cuts, especially as Japanese courts rule that North Korean-affiliated schools are not entitled to the same subsidies as others.
Still, Chongryon is a relic of a tumultuous past and a living artifact of unresolved geopolitical tensions. It is a testament to the complexities of diaspora identity, the long arm of authoritarian influence, and the enduring scars left by the Cold War. For many in Japan, it represents a painful reminder of North Korea’s transgressions; for others, it is a misunderstood vestige of cultural preservation. But there is no denying that Chongryon, an organization born of exile and ideology, has played a central, controversial role in the shadow diplomacy and subterranean networks that define North Korea’s global reach.
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