Irish Catholic in the White House: Al Smith's Groundbreaking Bid & Biden's Legacy

Al Smith’s 1928 presidential bid marked a pivotal, yet painful, moment in American political history, as he became the first major-party Catholic and Irish-American candidate. His campaign was met with an overt and virulent sectarian backlash that underscored the deep-seated prejudices of the era. A century later, Joe Biden, another Irish-American Catholic, ascended to the presidency, his faith and heritage largely accepted, even highlighted, as part of his public persona. This analysis examines the profound transformation of American society’s relationship with religious and ethnic identity in its highest office, contrasting Smith’s ordeal with Biden’s modern narrative to illuminate the complex evolution of religious tolerance and pluralism over the past century.

Al Smith’s 1928 presidential campaign was not merely a political contest but a battle against deeply entrenched anti-Catholic and anti-Irish sentiment that had simmered in America for centuries. His candidacy, as the first major-party Catholic nominee, ignited a "vicious campaign of anti-Catholic innuendoes and slurs, both covert and overt". Opponents wielded the potent slogan "PROTESTANT AMERICANISM VERSUS RUM AND ROMANISM," which effectively encapsulated the era's anxieties. This phrase was a multi-layered attack, designed to trigger a spectrum of anxieties. The "Rum" aspect directly targeted Smith's strong opposition to Prohibition, a moral crusade championed by many Protestant denominations who believed alcohol consumption led to societal decay. This stance positioned Smith against a powerful moral reform movement rooted in Protestant values, allowing his opponents to merge a moralistic critique with religious bigotry. The "Romanism" component tapped into long-standing fears of papal influence and a perceived threat to American sovereignty. Critics, such as Senator Thomas J. Heflin, openly accused Smith's supporters of prioritizing "Roman Catholic government above everything, above the Democratic Party, and above their country". This sentiment was not confined to fringe groups. Still, it permeated mainstream discourse, fueled by accusations that "the Pope wants to control this country" and that organizations like the Knights of Columbus aimed to "make America Catholic". Such claims revealed a fear beyond mere religious difference, suggesting a perceived foreign conspiracy to subvert American democracy through the rising influence of urban immigrant populations and their political organizations.

Propaganda took grotesque forms, with flyers falsely claiming that a Smith presidency would annul Protestant marriages and render their children illegitimate. Cartoons depicted the newly completed Holland Tunnel as a "secret passage" for the Pope to relocate to the White House. These baseless assertions, though shocking to Smith's supporters, were widely distributed and highly effective, demonstrating how easily deep-seated prejudices could be exploited with sensational, fact-free narratives. This weaponization of baseless fears against a candidate in an "allegedly secular state" underscores the enduring challenge of disinformation in political campaigns. Beyond religious bigotry, Smith's Irish-American heritage was also a significant liability. Irish Catholic immigrants, who had arrived in large numbers between 1820 and 1920, often faced intense hostility. They were subjected to dehumanizing stereotypes, portrayed as "violent, drunken, and apelike" in racist cartoons. Their willingness to work for low wages, combined with their distinct Gaelic language (for first-generation immigrants) and their determination to build their Catholic churches and schools, positioned them as an economic, social, and religious "threat" to the predominantly white Protestant society. This intersection of anti-Irish and anti-Catholic prejudice created a potent cocktail of racialized and class-based attacks, portraying Irish Catholics as inherently inferior and disruptive.

This period was characterized by a "cultural civil war between 'small-town and big-city America'". Smith, a product of New York City's Tammany Hall political machine, represented the ascendant urban, immigrant power that traditional, rural Protestant America deeply mistrusted. The Ku Klux Klan, at its height in the 1920s, actively promoted a "virulent form of racism, anti-Semitism, anti-Catholicism, and anti-immigrant sentiment". The Klan, along with groups like the National League for the Protection of American Institutions, spearheaded efforts to close private Catholic schools, aiming to "Americanize" Catholic children by forcing them into public schools and limiting "non-Protestant" instruction. This was a direct assault on Catholic cultural institutions, framed as a defense of "white, Protestant supremacy," revealing a desire for cultural and religious uniformity by dismantling minority institutions. The historical context of anti-Catholicism, tracing back to colonial laws threatening imprisonment or death and its exploitation during the American Revolution, meant the backlash against Smith was a predictable eruption of a long-simmering prejudice, easily reactivated and weaponized when a Catholic sought the highest office. Interestingly, the observation that "racist cartoons would simultaneously criticize Irish and Jewish immigrants" and that this "may explain why Jewish American and Irish American immigrants came to realize they had a great deal in common" suggests that shared experiences of marginalization could foster unexpected alliances and a sense of common cause among different minority groups.

Despite facing severe anti-Catholic and anti-Irish sentiment, Irish Catholics were "privileged compared to many other immigrant groups" because they were "legally white and also largely English speaking". This racial and linguistic advantage, unlike, for example, Asian immigrants, gave them a distinct, albeit difficult, path to eventual assimilation and political power, and their adeptness at "using the American political system to their advantage" in cities highlights a strategic response to their marginalization. Smith's overwhelming defeat, losing all but 8 of 48 states to Herbert Hoover, including his home state of New York, underscored the pervasive influence of this anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant sentiment. His loss was a stark reminder that in 1928, being Irish and Catholic was, for many, synonymous with being un-American, a foreign threat to the nation's Protestant identity and moral fabric.

The century following Al Smith's defeat witnessed a profound transformation in America's religious landscape and its understanding of religious tolerance, moving from a predominantly Protestant nation to one increasingly defined by pluralism. This shift was not linear but driven by significant historical forces, particularly World War II and the Cold War. Up until the 1960s, the "Protestant establishment" largely dominated American religious life, with Catholic and Jewish voices often relegated to the background. However, World War II proved to be a critical turning point. The war effort explicitly promoted religious toleration, exposing young servicemen to a "diverse range of faiths". The idea of America as "Judeo-Christian," a category that explicitly included Jews and Catholics alongside Protestants, was partially a creation of this period. Soldiers were taught they were fighting against "religious hatred" equated with Nazism, and organizations like the National Conference of Christians and Jews actively distributed interfaith prayer cards and promoted "National Brotherhood Week". Norman Rockwell's iconic 1943 painting, "Freedom of Worship," visually encapsulated this remarkably expansive vision by depicting a Catholic, Jew, and Protestant praying together. This shift represented a pragmatic move towards a more inclusive national identity in the face of a common enemy, laying the groundwork for future inter-religious cooperation.

This nascent tolerance was further cemented and, paradoxically, manipulated by the Cold War. The geopolitical conflict with the "godless Soviet Union" created a powerful incentive for internal religious unity. The state openly appropriated religiosity, encouraging a civic religion to serve Cold War-related purposes. The identification of Roman Catholics with anti-communism ensured their "group loyalty and patriotism was largely unquestioned," thereby significantly reducing the long-standing anti-Catholic sentiment that had plagued figures like Al Smith. The "Judeo-Christian tradition" became a pervasive "political theme" and "ideological agenda" from the 1930s to the 1970s, functioning as anti-fascist and then anti-communist propaganda, portraying Jews and Christians as "good and free" against totalitarian enemies. This was often achieved through media, including Hollywood films, which "manipulated and sometimes falsified" history to solidify this narrative, creating a powerful cultural construct of shared values against a common foe. While this "tolerance" was often pragmatic and conditional, contingent on aligning with national geopolitical goals, it nevertheless paved the way for greater acceptance of Catholics in public life. The mid-century witnessed a "pluralistic parity" among Protestants, Catholics, and Jews, resulting in an "interfaith religious establishment" in urban centers characterized by high degrees of collaboration.

The latter half of the 20th century brought further, more complex changes. While the US initially resisted the secularization trend seen in Western Europe, it has experienced a dramatic and rapid secularization in recent decades. The percentage of Americans identifying as "religiously unaffiliated," atheist, agnostic, or "nothing in particular" has jumped significantly, becoming more numerous than either Catholics or mainline Protestants by 2014. Traditional Protestant denominations have seen sharp declines, and even Catholicism, after increasing until the 1980s, has experienced a decrease in absolute numbers and a significant loss of adherents through religious switching. This period also saw the rise of new "alternative" religions and "unchurched spirituality," challenging the traditional church and its teachings. The Civil Rights Movement, the Sexual Revolution, and increasing immigration from non-Christian countries further diversified the religious landscape, leading to a "New Religious America" where assimilationist pressures declined. Courts, particularly since the 1960s, have taken a strict stance on the "no establishment clause" of the First Amendment, banning school-directed Bible reading and prayer, ensuring traditional Christianity does not take a privileged role in the public square. This legal shift, coupled with societal changes, transformed America from a Protestant-dominated landscape to a more diverse and pluralistic one, where religious identity became increasingly personalized and varied, reflecting a dynamic process of interaction and exchange rather than a static fact.

Joe Biden's 2020 presidential run unfolded in this transformed religious and cultural landscape. Biden has made his Catholic faith a defining element of his public identity, a stark contrast to John F. Kennedy, who encouraged Americans to view his Catholic faith as a private matter. Biden frequently displays his Catholic identity by wearing a rosary bracelet, making the sign of the cross during conversations with foreign dignitaries, and concluding speeches with quotes from the Catholic anthem "On Eagle's Wings". In his 2007 memoir, Biden stated that what he learned from the Catholic Church has "always been the governing force" in his political career. This strategic use of his Catholic identity aimed to evoke the "myth of the white Catholic Democrat" and the postwar era, appealing to a sense of nostalgia for a seemingly more functional America. His age and faith, therefore, reinforced a nostalgic image of America, connecting him to a perceived stability of the past.

However, the political reality of Catholic identity has undergone a profound shift since the mid-20th century. While 82% of white Catholics voted for John F. Kennedy in 1960 and 78% for Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964, nearly two-thirds of weekly church-attending white Catholics voted against their co-religionist, Biden, and for Donald Trump in 2020. This indicates a significant decline in the "white Catholic Democrat" voting bloc, reflecting a deeply divided Catholic electorate. Biden's public policy positions have also created tension with the Catholic Church's hierarchy, most notably over his administration's abortion policy and his support for legislation promoting "gender ideology". While his economic policies, like the Inflation Reduction Act and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, align with Catholic social teaching on the "common good" and opposing the "abuse of power," his stance on social issues sharply diverges from Church doctrine. This highlights the complex tension between personal faith, political expediency, and Church teaching in modern American politics. Catholic historian Massimo Faggioli described Biden as a product of "the Catholicism that emerged from the cultural ghetto of the twentieth century," rather than elite Catholic prep schools, though his biography suggests a suburban upbringing and attendance at an exclusive Catholic prep school. This distinction points to a shift from the Catholicism of the ethnic neighborhood to a more "collegiate Catholicism," a therapeutic, rather than dogmatic, version of faith that seeks to maintain good relations with the Democratic Party's political coalition.

Biden's Irish heritage is another prominent aspect of his public persona. He strongly identifies as Irish-Catholic, a fusion of religion and nationality rooted in Irish history. His statement, "The BBC? I'm Irish," at a 2020 campaign event, gained substantial attention, underscoring his deep connection to his ancestry. He frequently references his family's origins in County Mayo, speaks of the "fierce pride in our Irish ancestry," and connects Irish traits, such as affability and sociability, to his political style. He identifies with the historical oppression faced by the Irish and the eventual triumph of Irish-Catholicism becoming an American identity. This strong identification serves as a symbolic connection to a shared history of struggle and resilience, appealing to a sense of nostalgia and shared experience. However, the practical impact of this identity on foreign policy, particularly US-UK relations, is limited. While US presidents frequently indulge Irish nationalist sentiments symbolically, US security interests typically take precedence, reflecting a policy of "compartmentalisation, not sectarianism". Biden's emphasis on his Irish roots, while a strong personal identifier, is unlikely to fundamentally alter established foreign policy approaches. For Biden, his faith has also become a profound personal consolation, particularly after family tragedies, allowing him to find meaning in his life through his political achievements and impact on history. This suggests a personal dimension to his faith that intertwines with his public and political purpose.

A century reflecting on the journeys of Al Smith and Joe Biden reveals a profound societal transformation regarding religious and ethnic identity in American politics. Smith's 1928 campaign was a crucible of virulent anti-Catholic and anti-Irish prejudice, where his faith and heritage were weaponized as symbols of foreign allegiance and a threat to a Protestant-defined American identity. His overwhelming defeat underscored the power of nativism and sectarianism to derail a presidential bid. The subsequent decades, particularly shaped by World War II and the Cold War, saw a pragmatic, albeit often conditional, shift towards greater religious tolerance. The emergence of the "Judeo-Christian" concept, while a strategic ideological construct, facilitated the acceptance of Catholics and Jews into a broader national identity, reducing overt anti-Catholicism. The latter half of the 20th century further diversified the religious landscape, with the rise of the religiously unaffiliated, new spiritualities, and increasing non-Christian immigration, moving America towards a more complex, pluralistic society where traditional Protestant dominance waned.

Joe Biden's 2020 run exemplifies this evolved landscape. His Catholic and Irish identity, once a debilitating liability, became a public asset that was strategically embraced and largely accepted by the electorate. While navigating a more secularized and religiously diverse America and facing internal divisions within the Catholic Church over his policy positions, his faith is perceived as a personal and political strength, connecting him to a sense of tradition and shared values. The shift from overt, debilitating prejudice to a more nuanced, and often strategic, role for faith and heritage in politics is undeniable. While overt anti-Catholicism has largely receded from the national political stage, the underlying dynamics of cultural anxiety, identity politics, and the weaponization of perceived threats persist in new forms. The contrasting narratives of Smith and Biden demonstrate that American identity remains a dynamic and continuously negotiated concept in the political sphere, profoundly shaped by historical forces, social movements, and evolving demographics.

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